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3.8 Case 4: Black-White Infant Mortality: Disparities,
Priorities, and Social Justice

Erika Blacksher
Department of Bioethics and Humanities
University of Washington
Seattle , WA , USA
e-mail: [email protected]

Susan D. Goold
Department of Internal Medicine and Department of Health Management
and Policy Center for Bioethics and Social Sciences in Medicine
University of Michigan
Ann Arbor , Michigan , USA

This case is presented for instructional purposes only. The ideas and opinions expressed
are the authors’ own. The case is not meant to refl ect the offi cial position, views, or
policies of the editors, the editors’ host institutions, or the authors’ host institutions.

3.8.1 Background

Preterm births, the leading cause of infant mortality, are increasing annually worldwide
(World Health Organization 2012 ). The United State s shares company with Nigeria,
India, and Brazil among the top ten countri es with the highest numbers of preterm births
and ranks 31st among Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD)
nations in infant mortality (OECD 2010 ). Within the United States, racial and ethnic
disparities in infant mortality remain entrenched and have increased (MacDorman and
Mathews 2009 ). U.S. health policy leaders have made the elimination of health dispari-
ties a top public health priority (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention 2011 ;
U.S. Department of Health and Human Services 2011 ). Infant mortality is an important
area of focus for eliminating disparities, both in its own right and because the rate of
infant mortality serves as an indicator of the nation’s health due to its association with
maternal health, social and economic conditions, racial discrimination, access to health
care, and public health practices (MacDorman and Mathews 2009 ).

During the twentieth century, U.S. infant mortality declined 93 % (MacDorman
2011 ). In 1900, about 100 infants died per 1000 live births. By 2000, that number
fell to 6.89. During the last half of the twentieth century, the rate of black infant
mortality dropped dramatically. In 1950, black infant mortality was 43.9 deaths per
1000 live births compared with 26.8 deaths per 1000 live births among whites
(Mechanic 2002 ). But by 1998 black infant mortality fell to 13.8 deaths per 1000
live births compared with 6.0 deaths per 1000 live births among whites. As these
numbers show, both groups made signifi cant absolute gains, with blacks gaining
more in absolute terms—a reduction of 30.1 for blacks and 20.8 for whites. Yet,
black infant mortality still remained about twice that of whites.

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These disparities have persisted in the twenty-fi rst century. In 2006, non- Hispanic
black women experienced the highest rate of infant mortality, with 13.4 infant
deaths per 1000 live births, while non-Hispanic white women had a considerably
lower rate, with 5.6 infant deaths per 1000 live births. Citing a 2006 report from the
National Healthy Start Association, MacDorman and Mathews ( 2009 ) report that
programmatic efforts to reduce disparities in black-white infant mortality have had
some successes at local levels, but eliminating the disparities is diffi cult.

The U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and the U.S. Department of
Health and Human Services have prioritized both the elimination of health dispari-
ties and improvement in overall population health. These twin goals—one distribu-
tive, the other aggregative—are separate and sometimes confl ict (Anand 2004 ).
Increases in health disparities often accompany advances in aggregate gains in popu-
lation health (Mechanic 2007 ). Although this case is specifi c to the United State s, the
dilemma is not. Data show that signifi cant progress on child mortality has been made
in many countries but that this overall success is often coupled with increased
inequalities between advantaged and disadvantaged groups (Chopra et al. 2012 ). In
China and India, for example, disparities in mortality persist between boys and girls
younger than 5 years, a function of entrenched gender discrimination (You et al.
2010 ). These examples raise challenging questions about how ethically to assess
such cases and set priorities for the allocation of scarce public health resources.

3.8.2 Case Description

You serve as the director for the local health department in a racially segregated
urban city in the Midwest with one of the greatest concentrations of African
Americans in the United States. The city has a long history of civil rights activism
that led to protests and marches that ultimately empowered and mobilized black
communities and organizations. Your health department has a history of prioritizing
maternal-child health and the elimination of black-white disparities in infant mor-
tality in its programs, an investment of resources affi rmed by the city residents
through the department’s community outreach program and planning processes.

Chronic underfunding of public health, made worse by the economic downturn,
has resulted in drastic and unprecedented reductions in the public health budget. In
consultation with your staff and community board of health, you have raised the
possibility of redirecting resources from maternal-child health into other programs
based on a number of practical and ethical considerations. As with national statis-
tics, the city has seen signifi cant declines in black infant mortality, even as black-
white disparities remain. You note that although the maternal-child health programs
are cost-effective, their impact on reducing black-white disparities seems to have
stalled. Other programs appear to meet targets more consistently. To help support
these other programs, you note that allocating resources to more effective programs
provides more “health” per dollar, thus meeting the utilitarian demand to maximize
overall health, which many view as the primary goal of public health and health
policy (Powers and Faden 2006 ). In addition, although black-white disparities in

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infant mortality persist, blacks have made signifi cant gains, declining more than
whites in some decades. You note that remaining inequalities could be deemed ethi-
cally acceptable by some standard s of equity , such as the “maximin” principle .
Although this distributive principle is subject to interpretation (Van Parijs 2003 ), it
is generally understood to require that social and economic inequalities work to
benefi t society’s least advantaged groups. Thus, inequalities (even signifi cant ones)
are morally acceptable as long as the least advantaged have signifi cantly benefi ted
(Powers and Faden 2006 ).

The director of community outreach proposes that the health department not
make this decision unilaterally, but instead listen to community opinions on these
questions of priorities and fairness. He suggests that the health department collabo-
rate with community partners to host a series of public forums. He insists that a
topic of such historic and contemporary concern to the community must be subject
to public deliberation. Despite having a history of supporting community discus-
sions, you are concerned about the cost of community forums, noting that they will
drain resources from an already slim budget.

3.8.3 Discussion Questions

1. Have local health departments met their ethical obligations when community
health improves overall, but health disparities persist? If not, why not? If so, on
what grounds?

2. Is there something about infant mortality that makes it special in considerations
of fairness? If so, what is it?

3. Should the role of race and racism in infant mortality shape priority setting and
the allocation of resources in public health? If so, why?

4. On what grounds and how should you as the local health department director
make resource allocation decisions? What standard s—evidence, principle s of
justice , public opinion—should infl uence priority setting?

5. Should the community have a role in identifying community health priorities or,
more specifi cally, in providing input into allocation decisions that directly affect
them? If so, how should the community be involved and who represents the
community?

References

Anand, S. 2004. The concern for equity in health. In Public health, ethics, and equity , ed. S.
Anand, F. Peter, and A. Sen, 15–20. New York: Oxford University Press.

Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. 2011. About CDC’s Offi ce of Minority Health &
Health Equity (OMHHE). http://www.cdc.gov/minorityhealth/OMHHE.html . Accessed 29 Apr
2013.

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Chopra, M., H. Campbell, and I. Rudan. 2012. Understanding the determinants of the complex
interplay between cost-effectiveness and equitable impact in maternal and child mortality
reduction. Journal of Global Health 2(1): 1–10.

MacDorman, M.F. 2011. Infant deaths—United States, 2000–2007. MMWR Supplement 60:
49–51.

MacDorman, M.F., and T.J. Mathews. 2009. The challenge of infant mortality: Have we reached a
plateau? Public Health Reports 124(5): 670–681.

Mechanic, D. 2002. Disadvantage, inequality, and social policy. Health Affairs 21(2): 48–59.
Mechanic, D. 2007. Population health: Challenges for science and society. The Milbank Quarterly

85(3): 533–559.
Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). 2010. OECD health data:

Infant mortality. https://data.oecd.org/healthstat/infant-mortality-rates.htm . Accessed 25 May
2015.

Powers, M., and R. Faden. 2006. Social justice: The moral foundations of public health and health
policy. New York: Oxford University Press.

U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. 2011. HHS action plan to reduce racial and
ethnic health disparities. http://www.minorityhealth.hhs.gov/npa/templates/content.
aspx?lvl=1&lvlid=33&ID=285 . Accessed 25 May 2015.

Van Parijs, P. 2003. Difference principles. In The Cambridge companion to Rawls , ed. S. Freeman,
200–240. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

World Health Organization (WHO). 2012. Born too soon: The global action report on preterm birth.
http://whqlibdoc.who.int/publications/2012/9789241503433_eng.pdf . Accessed 29 Apr 2013.

You, D., G. Jones, T. Wardlaw, and M. Chopra. 2010. Levels and trends in child mortality, 1990–
2009. Lancet 376(9745): 931–933.

3.9 Case 5: Priority Setting in Healt h Care: Ethical Issues

M. Inés Gómez and Lorna Luco
Centro de Bioética, Facultad de Medicina
Clínica Alemana–Universidad del Desarrollo
Santiago , Chile
e-mail: [email protected]

This case is presented for instructional purposes only. The ideas and opinions
expressed are the authors’ own. The case is not meant to refl ect the offi cial position,
views, or policies of the editors, the editors’ host institutions, or the authors’ host
institutions.

3.9.1 Background

The Chilean Sy stem of Guarantees in Health—created by law in 2004—aims to
establish guaranteed health care interventions in health promotion, disease and
injury prevention , diagnosis and treatment , rehabilitation and palliative care
(Ministerio de Salud 2004 ). The law mandates that public and private insurers pro-
vide the resources needed to protect the public against excessive health-related

3 Resource Allocation and Priority Setting